By Yevgeny M. Primakov, Henry A. Kissinger
During this candid and sobering account, former Russian most suitable Yevgeny M. Primakov considers the threats posed by way of autonomous terrorist agencies to foreign safety. according to his personal wide event and contacts within the center East - the place he served for years as a journalist earlier than his political occupation - he additionally examines the jobs of the Israeli-Palestinian clash and extremist Islam in investment terrorism. because the assaults of September eleven made transparent, the process overseas affairs is not any longer formed completely through co-operation and war of words between international locations. but, the way in which states reply to terrorism - together with America's warfare on terror - could have a profound impression at the constitution of the overseas procedure. In Primakov's view, powerful and co-ordinated responses to terrorism can restrict its effect. although, he, argues, a unilateral American method of the matter of overseas terrorism can make such co-operation tough. during this context, Primakov explains Russian matters in regards to the US struggle in Iraq - and divulges new info of his ultimate own try to convince Saddam Hussein to step down. Primakov urges Russia and the USA to hitch forces extra effectively to percentage details and intelligence approximately rising terrorist threats. extra largely, he writes, if the US is ready to paintings inside a "multi-polar world", Russia could be a real and constant companion. nevertheless, if the U.S. attempts to head it on my own, it could actually face the implications in isolation.
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Additional resources for A World Challenged: Fighting Terrorism in the Twenty-First Century
During the summer of 1976, I met with many of those whom President Jimmy Carter had brought with him into the White House. At one of the Dartmouth conferences3 held in the United States, I discussed the Middle East situation with Zbigniew Brzezinski, later the president’s national security advisor. -Soviet symposium organized by the Russian and American United Nations associations, I discussed the same issues with Cyrus Vance, later President Carter’s secretary of state. The two expressed identical sentiments: that the policy of pursuing partial Middle East peace solutions was no longer viable.
At the very least, Israeli public opinion would have been affected, and anti-Palestinian sentiment would have lessened. But this was not to be. Perhaps the Palestinians rejected Clinton’s plan because they were influenced by the unfortunate positions expressed by Arab governments at the time. Arab foreign ministers meeting with the Arab League in Cairo on January 4, 2001, and in Tunisia on January 10–11, rejected all perceived concessions to Israel concerning Palestinian refugees or East Jerusalem.
These observations—again, based on historical fact—are not made to disparage the extremist ideas widely held among some Muslims, especially in those areas heavily involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Such views have their place, and it is unreasonable, if not impossible, to refute them. But these ideas are rooted less in religion than they are in politics. Disagreement with Israel’s right to exist was a reaction to the eviction of Palestinians from territory they had settled. It has no basis in the Quran, which teaches not only about Muhammad, prophet of “the one true God, Allah,” but mentions other “lesser” prophets: Isa and Musa (Jesus and Moses).