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By Michael Cook

Why does Islam play a bigger function in modern politics than different religions? Is there anything concerning the Islamic history that makes Muslims much more likely than adherents of alternative faiths to invoke it of their political lifestyles? if this is the case, what's it? historical Religions, glossy Politics seeks to respond to those questions by way of interpreting the jobs of Islam, Hinduism, and Christianity in glossy political existence, putting targeted emphasis at the relevance—or irrelevance—of their heritages to today’s social and political concerns.

Michael cook dinner takes an in-depth, comparative examine political id, social values, attitudes to war, perspectives in regards to the position of faith in a variety of cultural domain names, and conceptions of the polity. In most of these fields he unearths that the Islamic history bargains richer assets for these engaged in present politics than both the Hindu or the Christian heritages. He makes use of this discovering to provide an explanation for the truth that, regardless of the lifestyles of Hindu and Christian opposite numbers to a few facets of Islamism, the phenomenon as a complete is exclusive on this planet at the present time. The ebook additionally indicates that fundamentalism—in the experience of a selection to come to the unique resources of the religion—is politically extra adaptive for Muslims than it's for Hindus or Christians.

A sweeping comparative research by means of one of many world’s major students of premodern Islam, old Religions, sleek Politics sheds vital gentle at the courting among the foundational texts of those 3 nice non secular traditions and the politics in their fans at the present time.

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9); the passage is quoted in Schimmel, Islam, 157. 57 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, 5: 299 no. 26,282. 13 = Memon, Ibn Taymīya’s struggle, 206. 7 = Memon, Ibn Taymīya’s struggle, 205. 12). 21. 63 Islam nevertheless constituted a somewhat inhospitable environment for the robust assertion of the ethnic identities of non-­Arab peoples. 64 Another revealing strategy of accommodation was to claim to have played a part in the rise of Islam from the start. The Persians were well placed to do this thanks to the fact that the Prophet’s close Companion Salmān al-­Fārisī was one of them.

24. The idea that whoever speaks Arabic is an Arab appears already in the mouth of the Prophet (Goldziher, Muslim studies, 1: 111–­12). As noted by Winter, ʿAbd al-­Ghanī immediately goes on to make it clear that speaking colloquial (as opposed to literary) Arabic is no bar to being an Arab (lā yaḍurruhu ʾl-­laḥn fī-­mā ʾʿtādat bihi lughat qawmihi; also f. 2, referring to al-­ʿawāmm min al-­ʿArab fī hādhā ʾl-­zamān wa-­ghayrihi). The passage and Winter’s article were drawn to my attention by Khaled El-­Rouayheb, who also kindly supplied me with a copy of the text.

13 = Memon, Ibn Taymīya’s struggle, 206. 7 = Memon, Ibn Taymīya’s struggle, 205. 12). 21. 63 Islam nevertheless constituted a somewhat inhospitable environment for the robust assertion of the ethnic identities of non-­Arab peoples. 64 Another revealing strategy of accommodation was to claim to have played a part in the rise of Islam from the start. The Persians were well placed to do this thanks to the fact that the Prophet’s close Companion Salmān al-­Fārisī was one of them. A sixteenth-­century Persian biographer of the Prophet tells the story of Salmān’s suggestion at the consultation prior to the battle of the Khandaq in 627 that the Muslims should dig a trench (khandaq) to secure the northern periphery of Medina against attack by enemy cavalry.

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