By M. Hopkins, M. Kandiah, G. Staerck
Britain and the chilly conflict, 1945-1964 deals new views on ways that Britain fought the chilly battle, and illuminates key components of the coverage formula method. It argues that during some ways Britain and the USA perceived and dealt with the possibility posed through the Communist bloc in comparable phrases: however, Britain's carrying on with worldwide commitments, post-war financial difficulties and somestic issues obliged her sometimes to take on the possibility quite another way.
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Britain and the chilly warfare, 1945-1964 bargains new views on ways that Britain fought the chilly conflict, and illuminates key components of the coverage formula method. It argues that during many ways Britain and the USA perceived and dealt with the chance posed through the Communist bloc in comparable phrases: however, Britain's carrying on with international commitments, post-war fiscal difficulties and somestic concerns obliged her infrequently to take on the possibility really another way.
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Additional info for Cold War Britain, 1945-1964 : new perspectives
The Labour Government approached this problem by favouring state planning and public housing schemes, and their policies discriminated against private house building and home ownership. The Conservatives claimed that homes could be provided for all – ‘but not under Socialism’. 38 However, the Cold War could act to the Conservatives’ disadvantage. The November 1951 election campaign was conducted in a highly charged international atmosphere. 39 Labour’s campaign suggested that Michael D. Kandiah 37 the Conservatives in government would inﬂame the situation.
He did enjoy success in contributing to the completion of the Japanese Peace Treaty. His attitude to European developments has been greatly underrated. By encouraging both Franco–German rapprochement and the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community or Schuman Plan, he displayed wisdom, for he favoured policies that succeeded, and honesty, for he recognised his earlier, more sceptical attitude had to change. Morrison’s greatest contribution, however, probably lay in ensuring that the foreign policy of the Labour Government and the Anglo–American Cold War alliance in particular enjoyed parliamentary support – even during the various phases of Anglo–American tension.
They had been incompatible since 1931 when Bevin resented the exclusion of trade unions from the governing body of Morrison’s London Transport authority. 15 In his memoirs Morrison observed: I had all along insisted that parliament was the body to decide matters of policy, which annoyed Ernest Bevin, who believed that I should not only consult him but accept his views, particularly as regards the appointment of Trafﬁc Commissioners. T. ’17 Morrison’s behaviour over leadership 20 Labour and Anglo–American Relations of the party in 1945 and 1947 only served to deepen Bevin’s low regard for him.